Membership criteria in effect today were put in place in 1983. They require an individual to be able to trace descent from a list of "known Houma Indian ancestors" who have been identified as such by the group's tribal council. Additionally, they must reside in Louisiana or be known to the council and have identified with the group in the past. The list of "known Houma Indian ancestors" (aka the "Tribal Lineage Base Lists") was developed in 1991 by the council from individuals enumerated as "Indian" in the 1860-1880 and 1900 Federal population census schedules of Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes. As constructed, the Tribal Lineage Base Lists include only persons who were identified as "Indian" and do not include others who are clearly ancestors of the current petitioner's members.
Governing documents (of the Houma Alliance in 1974 and the United Houma Nation in 1979) indicate that for a time eligibility was supposedly based on a blood quantum requirement of one-fourth and later one-eighth "Houma Indian blood." No evidence was provided to show how this blood quantum requirement could have been determined, if in fact it was actually used. There is currently no blood quantum requirement.
The UHN presented a membership list containing 17,616 members. According to the membership list, last updated by the petitioner in January, 1992, 93% of the group's total current membership resides in Louisiana: 74% in Terrebonne, Lafourche, or adjoining parishes of Jefferson and St. Mary. Another 19% live elsewhere in the state of Louisiana. Less than 7% reside outside Louisiana.
Analysis of available data concerning the ancestry of members' parents shows that slightly more than half of the "parent" couples married other "Houmas."(1) The tendency to marry non-UHN members has increased since the 1950's. For the petitioner as a whole, the tendency today is toward exogamy, although endogamy may still be practiced at a significant level within some of the lower bayou communities. The data was not available to conduct an analysis of this situation.
Using documentary material found in official records (Federal, state, and local), Federal population census of the area, and other published and manuscript materials, it is possible to document "Indian" ancestry for only three of the earliest ancestors/progenitors of the current organization. These three "Indian progenitors" appear to represent three separate family lines. One is that of Houma Courteau/Abbe/Iacalobe, a Biloxi Indian (possibly also Chitimacha or Choctaw), and his children, including his daughter, Rosalie, who is central to "Houma" genealogy and history. There are also two apparently unrelated "Indian" women whose specific tribal heritage could not be documented. Nothing is known about the ancestors of these progenitors. Although other ancestors are reported to have been of "Indian" heritage, none of their heritage could be documented satisfactorily. A large number of the UHN's progenitors were Frenchmen who came to this country in the 1700's and were reputed to have married Indian women. Based on available documentation, all of the UHN's "Indian progenitors" were married to non-Indians, with the possible exception of Houma Courteau/Abbe/Iacalobe.
To deal with the analysis of the group's large, 17,616-member enrollment, statistical sampling techniques were utilized. Based on sampling data done by BAR, using the genealogical charts supplied by the petitioner, at least 84% of the total membership are projected to be able to trace to "Indian" heritage founded on one or more of the group's three progenitors who can be documented to be "Indian." In the systematic random sample of 176 UHN members, BAR was able to identify unreported ancestry for six members which could be traced to one or more of the three Indian progenitors. Charts provided by the petitioner had not made the connection to these progenitors.
It is clear that a significant portion of the members of the UHN have some "Indian" ancestry. But there is no evidence linking these ancestors to a particular historical tribe, or to historical tribes which combined and have continued to function as a tribal entity.
The petitioner's membership does not include individuals who are members of any Federally recognized tribe. None of the present-day members of the UHN petitioner were found to be enrolled in the recognized Mississippi Choctaw or Louisiana Chitimacha Tribes. Further, no evidence was provided or found to suggest any of the present-day members are enrolled elsewhere.
I. PRESENTATION AND UTILIZATION OF GENEALOGICAL DATA
The UHN is the largest membership yet reviewed under the Acknowledgment regulations (25 CFR 83). Therefore it seems appropriate to provide a brief discussion regarding how genealogical information was presented in the petition and how this information was utilized by BAR genealogists.
Genealogical data submitted with the petition included a series of 56 handdrawn charts tracing several generations of descendants from the group's earliest ancestors or "progenitors." These charts, reproduced on blue paper, became known as the petitioner's "blue charts" (they shall continue to be referred to as such herein also). Citations to specific blue charts appear as UHN BC and a number (e.g., "UHN BC1") in this report.
One or more of these blue charts were then used as cover sheets for a series of Ancestry Charts (optional form BIA-8305) and supporting Individual History Charts (optional form BIA-8304). The ancestry and individual history charts were used to show all known descendants of the group's earliest ancestors and covered seven, eight, and sometimes nine generations before reaching living, enrolled UHN members. The total volume of the genealogical charts (blue charts, ancestry charts, and individual history charts) when placed one on top of the other would make a stack approximately 18 feet tall. Although working with this many charts was cumbersome, it was, nonetheless, the most effective way for the petitioner to develop the genealogical record needed to describe the ancestry of the group's current membership stretching back to the 1700's. No consistent genealogical record is known to have existed prior to the group's preparation of the petition materials during the 1980's and early 1990's.
The greatest mechanical problem encountered in dealing with this many charts comes in trying to find the charts which relate to a specific living member. The early ancestors of the group as well as their descendants had large families (8 to 12 children), who in turn had large families. Families intermarried extensively, especially in the first few (i.e., earlier) generations. Persons with the same surname but different lineal ancestors, frequently married one another. Thus, people who share the same surname do not necessarily share the same ancestry.
Two database programs were utilized to analyze and evaluate the petitioner's membership and their claimed ancestry. A computerized database for the petitioner's current membership list, containing 17,616 members, was established on dBaseIII+ (UHN 1988b and UHN 1992). A powerful genealogical software program called "Roots III" was also utilized by BAR genealogists to create a separate genealogical database containing information on selected UHN families that could reasonably represent the ancestry of the group as a whole. For additional discussion on the Roots III database, refer to Section IX of this report, "Roots III Database and Sampling Techniques."
II. GOVERNING DOCUMENTS
A. Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc., aka The Houma Tribes, Inc.
Four members of the UHN antecedent community attended the American Indian Conference which was held in Chicago in the early 1960's, and on their return began a formal organization (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a). First, they held meetings in each area. Then they began constructing a list of members (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a). The original organization was known as the Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc. Articles of Incorporation were adopted on October 14, 1972 (UHN 1979). Membership in the organization was defined as "all members of the Houma Indian Tribes residing in Louisiana."
A split in the organization known as the Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc. occurred in 1974 because the residents of the Dulac area reportedly felt unrepresented. The second group (the Dulac faction) formally organized on May 13, 1974, as the Houma Alliance (see further discussion below).
Following the split, the shareholders of the Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc. held a special meeting on August 5, 1974, at which time they voted to change the group's name to The Houma Tribes, Inc. (UHN 1979). This name (The Houma Tribes, Inc.) was subsequently recorded with the State of Louisiana as an amendment to the 1972 Articles of Incorporation.
No governing documents other than the 1972 Articles of Incorporation were provided for The Houma Tribes, Inc./Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc. The petitioner states that if there were any, they were probably destroyed in one of the many hurricanes (UHN 1989, NARF ltr).
B. Houma Alliance, Inc.
When the Houma Alliance broke away from the Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc., they adopted Articles of Incorporation which separated membership into two classes: honorary members, who were defined as persons contributing services and property, who were elected by a majority vote of the Board of Directors, and "all persons of one-quarter (1/4) or more Houma Indian blood, residing in the State of Louisiana" (UHN 1974b). No information was provided to indicate that the group actually accepted any honorary members.
Additionally, the Articles of Incorporation for the Houma Alliance also included the following language:
In the event the Secretary of the Interior approves a constitution and set of By-Laws for the Houma Indian Tribe of Louisiana, then the members of that tribe as defined in such constitution and By-Laws shall thereafter constitute the membership of the corporation (UHN 1974b).
It is not clear from the document if the "Houma Indian Tribe of Louisiana" is the same as Houma Tribes, Inc., Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc., or some other entity.
C. United Houma Nation, Inc.
The current organization is a merger of the two earlier groups, the Houma Tribes of Louisiana, Inc. formerly, Houma Indians of Louisiana, Inc. and the Houma Alliance, Inc. On February 10, 1979, the two groups met and resolved to consolidate. An Agreement of Consolidation was signed by representatives of both groups on May 12, 1979 (UHN 1979), consolidating as the United Houma Nation, Inc. (UHN). The consolidation agreement was filed and recorded with the State of Louisiana on July 18, 1979 (UHN 1979). The State's certification identifies The Houma Tribes, Inc. as "domiciled at Golden Meadow" with The Houma Alliance as "domiciled at Houma" and goes on to state "that the separate corporate existence of the consolidating corporations has ceased" (UHN 1979).
D. UHN Constitutions and Membership Requirements
Three constitutions were submitted for the UHN organization. The first and earliest one, dated July 18, 1979, was attached to the Agreement of Consolidation and submitted with the original petition. A second, similar but undated, version of the 1979 constitution was also provided with the original petition. The only differences noted between these two versions were an increase in the number of council members from 9 (1979 document) to 14 (undated document), and a change in the date for the election from May 2, 1979 (1979 document) to June 27, 1981 (undated document).
The third and current version of the constitution is dated August 20, 1983, and was received by the BAR on May 22, 1991 (UHN 1991b). The third version (hereinafter, 1983 constitution) contains substantial changes in the membership criteria compared to earlier versions. For a comparison of the 1979 and 1983 constitutional membership criteria, refer to Table 1.
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COMPARISON OF CONSTITUTIONAL MEMBERSHIP REQUIREMENTS |
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| Article III - Membership
Section 1 - The membership of THE UNITED HOUMA NATION, INC. shall consist of: (a) All Houma Indians who are living in the territorial limits defined by Article II, and who at the time of the ratification of this document possess one-eight (1/8) degree or more of Houma Indian blood shall be admitted to membership in the United Houma Nation, Inc. of Louisiana. (b) All persons officially registered as Houma Indian at the time of the ratification shall be recognized as members of the United Houma Nations, Inc.[sic] (UHN 1985a Const.). |
Article III - Membership
Section 1 (A) Criteria All persons: (1) who can trace descendency from a list of known Houma Indian ancestors as identified by tribal resolution duly approved by the United Houma Nation Tribal Council, and (2) who reside in the state of Louisiana, or (3) who are known to the members of the United Houma Nation Tribal Council or its delagatees [sic], and who identify with the Houma Tribe, shall be eligible for membership (UHN 1991a). |
1. 1979 Constitution
The 1979 constitution limits eligibility to successful applicants for membership residing in the state of Louisiana (UHN 1979 version attached to the Agreement of Consolidation). Following a discussion about the residency requirement at a UHN tribal council meeting held November 30, 1979, the council members decided that no person should be denied membership based on residency (UHN 1979 Tribal Minutes). There was no resolution or amendment to support this decision.
Article II defines the territorial limits as "any parish where any Houma Indian may reside ...." Based on a membership list dated April 10, 1985, entitled "Name [sic] and addresses of People that live in other Parish [sic] & States" which was included in the petition, this criteria does not appear to have been followed (UHN 1979 Const.). The defined territory also includes "any lands hereafter acquired by or for the Houma Indians as tribal assets (UHN 1979 Const.)." It is unclear why this clause was included or if it pertains to membership.
a. Article III, Section 1
The second criteria in Article III, Section 1 (a) includes a one-eighth Houma Indian blood quantum. The basis on which the blood quantum was determined and if the quantum was ever calculated for any of the members is unknown. Section 1 (b) of the membership criteria accepts any person who had already been officially registered as a Houma Indian, presumably those registered in either of the predecessor organizations, at the time of ratification of the constitution.
b. Article III, Section 2
Section 2 of Article III gives the tribal council the power to pass ordinances governing future membership, loss of membership, and the adoption of new members. No ordinances of this nature were ever submitted.
c. Article III, Section 3
Section 3 of Article III places the burden of proof on the applicant in establishing eligibility for membership. There are no ordinances or resolutions to describe what documents are acceptable as evidence in establishing Indian ancestry or enrollment in the United Houma Nation, Inc.
2. Undated Constitution
Although there were no changes in the membership criteria in the undated version of the constitution, the number of members on the council (Article VI) changed from nine (9) to fourteen (14). The only other substantive change noted was the election date. Under the first constitution the election date was May 12, 1979; the undated version required the first election to be held June 27, 1981. No evidence was provided to indicate whether the undated version of the constitution was ever executed or adopted (UHN 1985a, Undated Const.).
3. 1983 Constitution
This constitution is dated August 20, 1983, and was received May 22, 1991 by BAR (UHN 1991a). The 1983 constitution is the current governing document of the UHN. The membership requirements of the 1983 constitution show a substantive change from those found in the UHN's 1979 constitution. Section 1 (A) (1) dropped the one-eighth degree blood quantum requirement. The language of the constitution indicates that descent is to be traced from a "list of known Houma Indian ancestors." No such list was provided with the 1983 constitution (see further discussion under F, Additional Governing Documents).
a. Sections 1-3
Section 1 (B) appears to reaffirm Section 1 (A) and adds that any one seeking membership "must apply to and be approved by the UHN Tribal Council or its delagatees [sic] (UHN 1991a Const.)." Section 2 empowers the Tribal Council to establish rules regarding enrollment and loss of membership (UHN 1991a Const.). Obvious deficiency (OD) letters requested (dated December 1, 1986 and May 27, 1987) copies of any rules established under this section; none were provided. Section 3 amends the UHN Constitution and revokes anything which may be inconsistent with this particular constitution (UHN 1991a Const.).
The last major change noted in the 1983 constitution is the addition of Article XV which provides ratification of the document (UHN 1991a Const.). The ratification reads "The by-laws shall be declared adopted ... (and) are approved by the UHNTC ... August 20, 1983 (UHN 1991a Const.)." The article reads "by-laws" rather than "constitution". For a comparison between the membership requirements found in the 1983 constitution and those found in 1983 by-laws, refer to Table 2.
E. By-Laws
Two undated sets of by-laws were submitted with significantly different membership requirements: one set closely followed the 1979 constitutional membership requirements, the other followed the 1983 constitutional membership requirements. Some confusion exists, however, because the by-laws which are similar in content to the 1979 constitution include a separate, one-page ratification statement, dated August 20, 1983. The ratified version contains a blood quantum requirement of "1/8 degree of more Houma Indian blood" which is not consistent with the current UHN constitution. The unratified version includes two additional requirements (namely, "all persons who reside in the state of Louisiana" and "all persons who are known to the members of the United Houma Nation Tribal Council or its delegates, and who identify with the Houma Tribe"), but does not contain a blood quantum requirement.
The section 1A of Article III of both versions of the bylaws includes as eligible for membership, "All persons officially registered as Houma Indian at the time of the Ratification of the Constitution of the United Houma Nation, Inc." According to field data, this section was added to grandfather-in those individuals already registered (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a). Based on available evidence, it appears that the ratification page was intended to cover the set of bylaws which matches the current constitution, but was inadvertently attached to the earlier version when the petition was assembled.
Section 4 of both sets of by-laws deal with the termination of membership, but are not specific as to who initiates the action to remove a member from the membership. Willful falsification of information on the application for membership is grounds for termination. Section 5, again for both sets of by-laws, provides for resignation from the UHN. The two versions of the by-laws are fairly consistent except for the membership requirements.
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COMPARISON OF MEMBERSHIP REQUIREMENTS in 1983 governing documents |
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| Article III - Membership
Section 1 (A) Criteria (1) who can trace descendency from a list of known Houma Indian ancestors as identified by tribal resolution duly approved by the United Houma Nation Tribal Council, and (2) who reside in the state of Louisiana, or (3) who are known to the members of the United Houma Nation Tribal Council or its delagatees[sic], and who identify with the Houma Tribe, shall be eligible for membership (UHN 1991a Const.). |
Article III Membership
Section 1. Composition of Or- ganization A. ... shall consist of: A-1. All persons officially registered as Houma Indian at the time of the Ratification of the Constitution of the United Houma Nation, Inc. A-2. All persons who can trace descendency from a list of know Houma Indian ancestors as identified by tribal resolution duly approved by the United Houma Nation Tribal Council. A-3. All persons who reside in the state of Louisiana. A-4. All persons who are known to the members of the United Houma Nation Tribal Council or its delegates, and who identify with the Houma Tribe, shall be eligible for membership (UHN 1991a By-Laws). |
F. Additional Governing Documents
Both the 1983 constitution and its matching, undated and unratified by-laws require the individual to be able to trace their descent "from a list of known Houma Indian ancestors as identified by tribal resolution duly approved" (UHN 1991b). No resolution or list of "known Houma Indian ancestors" (which could be identified by BAR researchers) was provided with either of the 1983 governing documents.
Later, Resolution 1, enacted May 28, 1991, was adopted designating the United States censuses for the years 1860, 1870, 1880, and 1900 as the "Tribal Lineage Base Lists." Resolution 1 and the "Tribal Lineage Base Lists" were received by BAR July 16, 1991, after the Houma petition went on active consideration. The base lists will be discussed later in this report.
Resolution 1 states that:
in lawful consideration of establishing a sound and fair basis from which to determine, as acceptable, the genealogical lineage of Houma Indian descendence, accept without questions, or reservations, the United States Censuses for the years 1860, 1870, 1880, and 1900 as the lawfully established "Tribal Lineage Base Lists" (UHN 1991b).
Since these "base lists" were established after the UHN membership list was compiled and submitted, they could not have been utilized in determining eligibility at the time the list was was being prepared.
III. ENROLLMENT PROCEDURES
A. Background
The formal procedures for enrollment or registration in the former organizations are unknown and cannot be determined from the membership lists in existence. A house-to-house survey was taken sometime between 1973 and 1979 by volunteers in an effort to develop a "census" for the group. It was reported that registration cards were filled out during the house-to-house survey for each household by the head of the household. This registration form was developed in 1973 or 1974 (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1991a). "Census cards" were developed from the information on the registration form submitted by the applicant. In the field interview, UHN staff explained how the process began.
In 1979 they registered anyone who came in and (they) did not trace ancestry, but then . . . they had to do ancestry on each person. They . . . would go through the ancestry (to verify the ancestry). They then took existing membership and traced all people with cards, then they started giving numbers. Prior to the numbers they removed those who couldn't trace back (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (DD) 1992a).
Essentially, the documentary evidence for ancestry and genealogies appear to have been collected and/or constructed by researchers Greg Bowman and Jonathan Beachy, who were working for the Mennonite Central Committee. Volunteers were recruited from the UHN membership to assist in gathering genealogical data. Eventually the UHN employed individuals who were members of the UHN to take over the membership duties (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (DD) 1992a).
As mentioned earlier the group is said to have registered anyone who came in without tracing their ancestry. Recognizing the need to trace the ancestry of each person, Bowman would personally go through the cards and verify the ancestry. Cards of people who could not trace were removed before [UHN membership] numbers were assigned. The registration cards of seven members who had registered, been accepted for membership, but were later denied membership, were copied from two large file folders in the tribal office in Golden Meadow. In each case form letters had been sent by Dolores Dardar (tribal genealogist) to the members or families in question stating, "we are unable to trace your ancestry to Houma decent [sic] with the information you have furnished us. Your tribal roll # is no longer valid by the tribe" (Field Data Colliflower and McMillion, (DD) 1992a).
In each of the eight cases, the member's "official registration" card had been rubber stamped originally as accepted as a "Houma Tribal Member." Four of the eight appear to have been issued a UHN membership number; the other four were noted "not Houma" in the upper right corner of the card. The earliest card in the sample was dated September 30, 1975, the latest May 18, 1983. Based on these dates and the name of the respective chairperson stamped on the cards, this practice appears to have been in use for at least eight years and under the leadership of Helen Gindrat, Kirby Verret, Steve Cheramie, and John A. Billiot. (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a)
Helen Gindrat states that every card was reviewed and checked (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a). A list was then prepared and brought to the Tribal Council by Dolores Dardar for approval. Council representatives usually knew persons from their community (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a). The cards themselves provide no evidence to confirm or deny this process.
B. UHN "Base Lists"
There has been some confusion concerning the terms "base list" and "base roll." The current membership list of a petitioning group does not become a "base roll" until that group becomes federally recognized. The current membership list becomes the tribe's base list/roll when or if acknowledged.
The UHN has a current membership list and, in their (UHN) terms, one or more "base lists." The UHN "base lists" are lists composed of individuals (ancestors) found on the "blue charts" from whom the current members trace their ancestry. The UHN's "base list" is also known as the "Tribal Number Master List". The ancestors listed on the Tribal Number Master List consisted of all of the individuals that appear on the "blue charts." The third and final "base list" submitted by the petitioner is referrred to as the "Tribal Lineage Base List." This list is believed to have resulted from the BAR's two obvious deficiency letters requesting "any former lists" of tribal members (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (MLT, DD) 1992; Bureau of Indian Affairs 1986, BAR OD ltr #1; 1987, BAR OD ltr #2). As noted previously, it appears that the "Tribal Lineage Base List" was not a functional document since it was constructed after the current membership list was submitted.
The petitioning group appears to have had no "membership list" per se prior to the list that was typed and submitted as part of the petition. For a discussion of the current membership list, refer to Section V of this report.
The UHN base list(s) are referred to in Article III, Section 1 (A) (1) of the Constitution. They appear to have evolved over time from several similar but different sources.
1. The First Base List
The first base list was a series of handdrawn ancestry charts which identified several generations of the group's early ancestors. Because these charts had been reproduced on yellow paper, they will be referred to herein as the "yellow charts." These charts, received with the initial documented petition on July 18, 1985, were used as cover sheets for approximately three linear feet of detailed genealogical charts (BIA optional forms 8304 and 8305).
2. The Second Base List
In 1988 the UHN submitted a second base list consisting of a second, larger series of the handdrawn ancestry charts. This second series of charts was reproduced on blue paper and is referred to herein as the "blue charts". Approximately 18 linear feet of supporting genealogical charts and a typewritten list entitled "Tribal Number Master List" were also submitted at this time. UHN genealogists advised BAR genealogists that the blue charts replaced the yellow charts and that the yellow charts and their three linear feet of supporting genealogical charts should not be used. Time has not permitted an examination of the yellow charts to determine how they compare with the blue charts and what was added or deleted.
The Tribal Number Master List is primarily a list of ancestors of the petitioning group. The list is said to have been compiled from Bowman's research on the families (UHN 1988b). It includes the ancestor's name, the unique (i.e., one-of-a-kind) number assigned by the UHN, and the number of the "blue chart" on which the name appears. The list includes several ancestors who are identified elsewhere by the UHN as non-Indians. Examples of such individuals are August Creppel (Tribal Number Master List number 0110A), Michel Dardar (0100A), Jean Charles Naquin (0171A), Thomas Molinere (0300A), Francois Galley (0086A), and Marie Manette Renaud (0134A, 0151A, 0163A), to mention but a few. An alternative name for the Tribal Number Master List might better be "Master Ancestor List."
3. The Third and Current Base List ("Tribal Lineage Base List")
At a special meeting of the UHN tribal council held May 28, 1991, a new and entirely different base list was adopted. This list could more aptly be called a census list because it is an abstract of individuals and households identified as "Indian" in one of several Federal population censuses. This list, as well as a list of 144 deceased members, and a list of 11 individuals who had been accepted into membership without establishing a "link" to any ancestor on the tribal lineage base list were received on July 16, 1991 (UHN 1991b, Resolution 1). UHN genealogists indicated that these lists had been part of a larger shipment of genealogical charts covering 6,434 additional, new members sent to their attorney in June 1991. Only the resolutions and "Tribal Lineage Base Lists" had been forwarded on to the BAR; the balance of the shipment was not received until January of 1992 (UHN 1992), eight months into the active consideration period.
The council's resolution adopting this census listing as the tribal lineage base list reads:
in lawful consideration of establishing a sound and fair basis from which to determine, as acceptable, the genealogical lineage of Houma Indian descendence, accept without questions, or reservations, the United States Censuses for the years 1860, 1870, 1880, and 1900 as the lawfully established "Tribal Lineage Base Lists" (UHN 1991b, Resolution 1).
In an interview, UHN genealogical staff explained that anthropologist Jack Campisi sent them photocopies of selected pages reproduced from the Federal population census (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a). UHN genealogist Mary Lou Townsley then abstracted persons identified by the census enumerator simply as "Indian"(2) (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a).
When asked why some families enumerated as "Indian" had been omitted from the typewritten list provided with the resolution, Townsley stated that her handwritten lists had been retyped several times before they were submitted to the BAR (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a; UHN 1991a, Resolution 1). Earlier Field Data (1991a) indicates that only families enumerated as "Indian" were extracted, and then only once [even though in succeeding years additional children not previously enumerated may have been present]. A partial analysis of these lists and the census itself shows that the base lists approved by the tribal council in 1991 do not include all "Indians" present in all years, nor do they include families/individuals who were known ancestors of the group when they were identified as anything other than "Indian." Some individuals then identified as "Indian" who were extracted have no apparent descendants in the current membership.
The group's use of the Federal census as a base list is believed to have resulted from their misinterpretation of the BAR's obvious deficiency letter requesting copies of "any former rolls" which might exist (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a; Bureau of Indian Affairs 1986 and 1987).
It is unclear whether any of the lists provided were ever actually used by the UHN as "base lists". The "blue" and "yellow" charts (which are base lists one and two) were created from the ancestry and individual history charts prepared for the petitioner. The "Tribal Number Master List" includes persons identified elsewhere by the petitioner as non-Indians. The "Tribal Lineage Base List" (the third and current base list) was abstracted from the 1860, 1870, 1880, and 1900 Federal population censuses of Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes and was not itself complete until 1991.
C. Current Enrollment Procedures
Currently, the registration process is initiated by the individual. The person contacts the UHN headquarters and fills out a "registration form" for each member of the family. Next, the applicant is asked to fill out an ancestry chart listing their ancestors as far back as possible. They also fill out an individual history chart. The enrollment staff then verifies the information provided by the applicant against the UHN ancestor index card file prepared by UHN researchers from documents collected. If the applicant can trace back to a UHN ancestor, they will be assigned an enrollment number. No supporting documents verifying the identity of the applicant are necessary.
Currently there is no apparent tribal council involvement in the enrollment process; in earlier years there was. Registration cards were checked by council members; if they knew the applicant, they were approved and sent back to the staff. The staff stamped the chairperson's name on the back as approved. For additional discussion, refer to Section IIIA. It is unclear if this practice is still being used.
According to the staff, the only time an applicant has to provide documentation (birth record, etc.) is if there is "a missing link" (i.e., if they don't know who one of their ancestors is) (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a). No resolution appears to have been passed citing documents which are acceptable evidence. An individual may be removed from the membership roll if he/she does not "trace back" to a Houma ancestor: a tribal resolution is not needed (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a).
IV. FORMER MEMBERSHIP LISTS
The UHN petition, as initially submitted, contained no former membership lists. Two former lists of members were later provided with the petitioner's response to BAR's obvious deficiency (OD) letter: one list for the Houma Tribes, Inc.; the other, for The Houma Alliance, [Inc.]. A second Houma Alliance list was collected at the UHN office in Golden Meadow, during field research in June 1992. The Houma Tribes, Inc. and The Houma Alliance, [Inc.] were precursors of the United Houma Nation, Inc. (UHN) petitioner (UHN 1985b, 145-147; Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (HG) 1992a).
A. The Houma Tribes, Inc.
The earliest membership list provided was for The Houma Tribes, Inc. This list, estimated to have been prepared in 1973, includes 2,579 individuals, grouped by parish with the largest representations being from the parishes of Terrebonne (1,074), Lafourche (935), and Jefferson (423). Considerably smaller numbers appear in other nearby parishes. The list includes sixty-three individuals who resided out of state. The balance (111 individuals, 4%) are spread over 13 Louisiana parishes. Within each parish, individuals appear to be grouped into family households, though familial relationships are not stated. Full name, date of birth, and mailing address are provided for most individuals listed.
B. The Houma Alliance, [Inc.]
The second former list provided in the UHN response to the OD letter was a list of the members of The Houma Alliance, [Inc.] (UHN 1976). This list, which contains the names of approximately 1,795 individuals, is believed to have been prepared in 1976--three years after The Houma Tribes' list. Individuals listed appear to be grouped by families and/or households. Familial relationships are not stated. Full name, age in years, and sex are provided. Household addresses are generally expressed only by street name or post office box but without the town, making it virtually impossible to conduct any analyses or compare it with other available lists.
Another Houma Alliance list (1976) was obtained from UHN headquarters during field research. This list, like the list presumably prepared in 1976, also appears to be arranged in families and/or households. No addresses of any sort are provided, only full names and dates of birth. Maiden names are used for women.
V. CURRENT MEMBERSHIP LIST
The UHN's documented petition, as initially submitted June 18, 1985, included a list of names and addresses for only 2,718 adult members (UHN 1985c). This list, prepared in the spring of 1985, contained full mailing address for each member, but no other identifying information. No children were apparent and there was no obvious grouping which might suggest familial relationships.
The size of the list (2,718) was significantly smaller than the BAR had been led to expect. For this reason, and because the genealogical charts of some members indicated UHN membership numbers in the 6000's, the BAR questioned the completeness of the list in the obvious deficiency letter (UHN 1985a; Bureau of Indian Affairs 1986). In response to BAR's OD letter, the UHN petitioner submitted a new list containing 11,223 members (UHN 1988). The list of 11,223 was computerized by the BAR and hereinafter will be referred to as part of the "UHN membership database."
In June 1991, shortly after the petition had been placed under active consideration, the petitioner submitted a supplemental list to their attorney along with supporting genealogical charts (UHN 1992). This new material covered approximately 6,400 new members who had been enrolled since the 11,223 were submitted. These additions represented new births and members omitted from the membership list submitted in 1988. Unfortunately, however, the supplemental list and the accompanying genealogical charts were not forwarded to the BAR until eight months later--after BAR genealogists had questioned the presence of UHN membership numbers in the 17,000's! The missing charts were received by the BAR in January 1992. Delay in transmitting this additional material (a 57 percent increase in the size of the group) caused the Assistant Secretary to extend the period for active consideration.
For the purpose of this report, the group's "current list" of members consists of the 11,223 members submitted in June 1988 and the supplemental list of approximately 6,400 members received in January 1992. The current list includes 17,616 members. Information on an additional 156 members was submitted to the group's attorney two to three weeks prior to the field research in June 1992 (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992); this material has not been forwarded to the BAR and is not included in this report.
The current list provides the following information for most members: mailing address, full name, sex, date of birth (month, day, and year), social security number (where applicable), UHN membership number, mother's full maiden name, father's name, and for each parent whether they are "H" ("Houma")(3) or "NH" ("non-Houma") (UHN 1988b, Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (DD) 1992a). Women are listed by full maiden name. Identification of the member's parents as "Houma" or "non-Houma" has been determined by tribal members who staff the tribal headquarters in Golden Meadow (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992a).
For most families, the current membership list includes at least two generations--sometimes three where younger families are involved. The presence of four generations is estimated to be very rare.
A. General Statistics on Membership
1. Age
The median age of current members for whom dates of birth are known appears to be around 22+ years. This figure and those in Table 3 below are based on a total membership of 17,554 members which excludes the 62 members for whom no birth year data is known.
|
AGE RANGE OF CURRENT MEMBERSHIP |
||
| 22 and under
23 thru 52 53 thru 72 73 and over |
7,237 1,319 461 |
41% 7% 3% |
|
|
17,554* | 100% |
* Does not include 62 for whom no birth year is known
2. Geographic Distribution
Statistics on the geographic distribution of the current membership are estimated, due to lack to time for BAR to follow up on addresses that were obviously incomplete or incorrect. At least 93 percent of the group's members appear to live within the state of Louisiana (74% live in the adjoining parishes of Terrebonne, Jefferson, Lafourche, and St. Mary; 19% live elsewhere in the state); less than 7 percent live outside the state. Information on the parish of residence was not provided and was, therefore, estimated using a road map. When the parish could not easily be determined from the map, persons were placed in the "Other Louisiana" category.
|
ESTIMATED DISTRIBUTION OF UHN MEMBERSHIP BY PARISH |
|
| Terrebonne
Jefferson Lafourche St. Mary Subtotal Plaquemines St. Bernard Orleans Other LA parish Subtotal Other than LA Total known State unknown Total Current |
6,771
2,529 2,415 1,283 12,998 (74%) 376 489 335 2,192 16,390 (93%) 1,187 17,577 39 17,616 |
The petition provides a chart showing the distribution of 8,715 members of the "Houma Indian Population, by Parish" for the year 1985 based on UHN tribal records (UHN 1985b). Efforts were made to compare the 1985 information provided in the petition with the Table 4 above. However, meaningful comparisons could not be drawn because of the "Other Louisiana" category.
3. Marriage Patterns
Statistics generated from the membership database provide some insight into marriage patterns prevalent among the current membership. The analysis of the data that follows, however, must be seen as a provisional estimate, because the data that the petitioner submitted is limited. It is helpful only as an indicator that endogamy may have been practiced for from 1880 to around 1940 at the level of 50% or greater. Better data would need to be collected, and a more detailed analysis would have to be performed before this could be asserted with certainty.
The data shown in Table 5 below has been calculated from the membership database of 17,618 (the total number before a few corrections were made). The figures do not add to 17,618. Information in the database concerning the ancestry of individual members was obtained from the UHN membership list itself. Determinations regarding the ancestry of members parents (i.e., "H" for "Houma" and "NH" for "non-Houma") are believed to have been made by the UHN genealogical staff.
|
UHN MARRIAGE PATTERNS BASED ON THE PARTIAL DATA SUPPLIED BY THE PETITIONER |
|||
| Born Between | Birth date Range, Current UHN Members | Percent with two Houma parents | Percent with one Houma parent only |
| 1885 - 1899 1900 - 1909 1910 - 1919 1920 - 1929 1930 - 1939 1940 - 1949 1950 - 1959 1960 - 1969 1970 - 1979 1980 - 1989 1990 - 1992 | 21
126 299 513 805 1,511 2,293 3,434 4,021 4,109 405 |
80 75 69 63 57 42 36 26 17 15 |
23 %
20 25 31 37 43 58 64 74 83 85 |
* Birth year for at least 62 members is missing from database.
The petition states that:
Since 1960 there has been a greater tendency for Houmas to marry whites, but this has not been a significant [p]ortion of the population. The majority of Houma continue to marry other members of the tribe"(UHN 1985b, 130).
Statistics gathered from the petitioner's membership list contradict this statement. Based on the membership database, the tendency for "Houmas" to marry whites appears to have been prevalent since at least the 1950's and to have been on a steady increase since the early 1900's (1910-1919). The table above illustrates that it was more common for members born in decades prior to 1950 to have two "Houma" parents (57%). In decades beginning with the 1950's, the tendency to marry other "Houmas" dropped significantly to 42%. Thus the tendency beginning in the 1950's was to marry non-Indians. This tendency has
continued, and by the 1980's had almost doubled (83%) what it was in the 1940's (43%).
Table 3 also reflects the fact, contrary to what the petition states (UHN 1985b, 130), that the portion of the membership which is marrying out may be significant and, further, that the majority of the members may not have been marrying other members of the group since the 1940's.
VI. LIST COMPARISONS
Meaningful comparisons between the Houma Tribes list and the two Houma Alliance lists are virtually impossible because information provided differs. One list provides complete mailing addresses, another gives only street or post office box, while the third gives no address at all. One list expresses age in years, while the others provide birth information as month, day, and year. Two give the full maiden name for women, the other lists women by married name without reference to maiden name. Because of problems like this, it was very hard to confirm that individuals on one list were the same as people on another list.
Notwithstanding the above inconsistencies, a very limited comparison was attempted, using 25 of the more visible members(4) of the current tribal council and five other members as the sample (obviously, this is not a random sample and cannot be used to extrapolate to the petitioning group as a whole). The analysis showed that 29 of the 30 individuals checked appeared on the current UHN membership list. One council member could not be identified on any list. Of the 30, two persons could be identified on the lists of all three organizations; five appeared on both the UHN list (the current membership list) and the Houma Tribes list; and five others showed up on the UHN list and one of the two Houma Alliance lists. No individual appeared on both Houma Alliance lists. Seventeen appeared only on the current membership list.
Our conclusion was that very little overlap was found between the available lists, even for the more prominent members.
VII. RECORDS UTILIZED
To verify information presented in the petition, research was conducted in a variety of different repositories and records. Staff genealogists made two separate field trips to repositories in Louisiana. The first trip, in December 1991, was based on data for the 11,223 members available at that time; a second trip was made in June, 1992, after the data covering the approximately 6,400 new members had been reviewed and computerized. Extensive research was also conducted in Washington, D.C. area repositories, in particular the National Archives and the library of the National Society, Daughters of the American Revolution (NSDAR). Wherever possible, however, research focused on original records. Where published information was relied upon, some effort was made to verify the information at the original source. The following paragraphs will briefly discuss some of the major collections and the extent to which they were utilized.
A. Original Records
1. Courthouse Records
Records in four parish courthouses (primarily Terrebonne Parish and Lafourche Parish, but also Ascension and Assumption parishes) were researched in an effort to verify information provided and/or cited in the petition. The largest quantity of relevant material was found in Terrebonne Parish where several of the group's earliest ancestors had acquired and disposed of land and other possessions beginning in the early 1800's. Where documents collected were written in French, translators were employed to prepare English transcripts. All documents were reviewed for genealogical content. Relevant information was then extracted and posted to BAR's "pink charts"(5) for further analysis. Many of the documents which have been utilized in analyses and evaluations for this report are discussed at some length in section VIII, entitled "Establishing Ancestry as Indian."
2. World War I Draft Records
World War I draft registration cards were consulted to see how ancestors of the petitioning group had identified themselves or been identified by Selective Service registrars when they registered for the draft in 1917 and 1918 (U.S. Selective Service 1917-18).
The draft registration cards for 15 surnames(6) which are significant or common to UHN genealogy were pulled and reproduced from the total cards filed from the parishes of Terrebonne and Lafourche. Approximately 365 individual cards were reproduced from the total cards filed: 203 from Terrebonne Parish; 162 from Lafourche Parish. The names of these 365 persons were then compared with the BAR's pink charts to see if any could be identified as ancestors of the UHN. Forty-four men were identified with reasonable certainty. Another nine were "perhaps" ancestors, but could not be positively identified based on available information.
Three separate registrations had been held for the draft.(7)
A slightly different registration card had been used for each of the registrations. In each case, the front of the card was physically completed by a registrar based on information provided by the individual being registered. The person registering was then asked to read what the registrar had written on the front of the card and to attest to the accuracy of the information recorded by signature or mark.
The question regarding race was handled differently on each of the three registrations. The firstregistration card simply asked the registrant to specify which race but suggested no terminology. The second form asked the individual to specify the race by striking out the inappropriate lines or words and offered five possible alternatives of which the fifth was "I am a noncitizen or citizen Indian."(8) The forms used for the first and second registrations provided for a corner of the form to be torn off if the person was of African descent. While some registrars did tear corners, others placed a "C" in the lower corner of the form. The third form provided boxes to check race as "White," "Negro," "Oriental," or "Indian," with "Indian" further classified as to "citizen" or "noncitizen." The back of the card included space for the registrar to describe the physical appearance (height, build, color of eyes and hair, disqualifying disabilities) and to record a personal comment not seen by the registrant. The registrar then certified:
that my answers are true; that the person registered has read or has had read to him his own answers; that I have witnessed his signature or mark, and that all of his answers of which I have knowledge are true, except as follows (emphasis added) . . . (U.S. Selective Service 1917-19).
Comments extracted from the backs of the 365 draft cards reproduced by BAR's researchers reflect confusion on the part of registrars over the meaning of such terms as "mixed breed," "mixed blood," "mixed," and "mix Indian," and whether these terms included persons of some "Indian" heritage. Examples of this confusion follow.
On cards of persons who identified themselves as "Indian" on the front of the card, the registrar commented later (on the reverse):
"Registered as Indian but is mixed breed."
"Born of white & Indian parents."
On the card of a person who identified himself as "Mix Indian" on the front, the registrar commented:
"Father is of Indian, mother is of Indian and Caucasian."
On the card of a person self-identified as "Caucasian," the registrar commented:
"Mix Blood."
Only one of the four cards noted above could be reliably matched by BAR to an ancestor of the UHN; the other three were "perhaps" UHN ancestors, but could not be found on the UHN lists.
On one typewritten card (third registration, 1918) where the individual had registered as "white," the registrar drew a line through the block and checked "Negro." On the back of the card, the registrar wrote, "My opinion is that he is a mixed breed such as one at Golden Meadow" (U.S. Selective Service 1918, Louisiana, Lafourche Parish, Augustin Verdin, Serial Number 2432, Order Number A459, Sep 12). The registrar's comment raises an unanswered question as to his--and other registrars'--interpretation of the term "mixed breed." This registrar's comment also suggests his awareness of a community of "mixed breeds" at Golden Meadow.
An analysis of answers to questions relating to race for the 45 men who could be identified by BAR with any reliability as ancestors of the UHN shows them distributed by race as follows:
|
RACIAL DISTRIBUTION by self-identification* |
|
| Indian
Indian Mixed Mixed/Mixed Blood White Caucasian |
20**
6 4 13 2*** |
| Total | 45 |
* Positive identification on BAR's pink charts
** Three of the twenty were identified by registrars as being of "Mixed Blood."
*** One was identified by a registrar as descending from "Indian/Negro."
Another nine persons were determined to be "perhaps" descended from a UHN ancestor. Five of the nine identified themselves as "Indian" (1), "Mixed Indian" (1), "Mixed" (2), or "white" (1). The card of the individual who identified himself as "Indian" had been annotated by the registrar as "mix" [sic].
If the classifications in Table 6 are regrouped to consolidate terms which could reasonably include persons of some "Indian" heritage, the heading "Some Indian Blood" might then look like this:(9)
|
RACIAL DISTRIBUTION by self-identification* (revised) |
|
| How Identified # Men | |
| Some Indian Blood
White/Caucasian |
30
15 |
| Total | 45 |
* Positive Identification on BAR's pink charts
3. Census Records
For the purpose of this report, genealogists used the Federal population census schedules to try to locate prominent UHN ancestors in order to verify information provided by the petitioner. The census was also used to determine whether individuals who could be identified with the group had been identified as "Indian" and, if so, of what tribal origin. For discussions of residential patterns in the census, see the accompanying Historical and Anthropological reports.
Genealogical research initially focused on Federal population schedules of Lafourche and Terrebonne Parishes found in National Archives Record Group 29, Records of the Bureau of the Census. The majority of the petitioning group's ancestors lived in these two parishes. Some schedules for other parishes were also researched; refer to the bibliography for a complete list of censuses searched (U.S. Bureau of the Census).
It was often impossible to positively identify families in the census with families sampled on BAR's pink charts, thus making it difficult to draw conclusions from available information. These difficulties may have resulted because the individual/family was residing outside Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes when the census was taken and was enumerated elsewhere, or was simply not enumerated at all. Where they could be identified, it was sometimes with unrecognizable family members who had widely different names. In some instances they were enumerated 20 years apart, making family composition almost impossible to pin down.
Where specific individuals/families could be found, racial identification was often inconsistent. The following example (albeit a non-Indian) is fairly typical of the problem found. Manette Renaud appears in the 1850 census as "M" (Mulatto), as "Ind" (Indian) in 1860, and as "W" (White) in 1880. She could not be found in the 1870 census. Manette Renaud classified herself as white when applying for the War of 1812 pension of her last husband, Etienne Billiot (U.S Veterans Administration 1878b), and it can be verified that her parents were of French ancestry (Catholic Church, Diocese of Baton Rouge, 1982, ASC-5, 276; ASM-2, 99; ASC-2, 49; ASM-1, 14).
The separate "Indian schedules" used with the 1900 and 1910 Federal population censuses to enumerate households composed predominantly of persons identified as "Indian" were not found for Terrebonne and Lafourche Parishes (Twenty Censuses 1979, 39; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1900a, 1900c; 1910b, 1910c). When available, these schedules can often provide valuable information about individuals and sometimes the group as a whole.
No Indian census rolls are known to have been prepared by agents of the Bureau of Indian Affairs of persons living in Terrebonne or Lafourche Parishes (Indian Census Rolls, 1885-1940, 1973).
Of the "Indian progenitors" identified by BAR researchers (Houma Courteau, Marie Gregoire, and Jeanet) (for more information refer to discussion at Section VIII), only Rosalie, the daughter of Houma Courteau, and possibly Houma Courteau himself, could be identified in the census. In 1860, Rosalie is listed as Mrs. J. Billiot age 75, living with her grandchildren, Marguerite Verdin, age 17, and Eliza Verdin, age 25; all three are identified as "Indian" (U. S. Bureau of the Census 1860c, 6th Ward, p.66, household 475).(10) In 1880 "Rosalie Billiot," identified as "Indian," is listed as mother-in-law in the household of James Fitch, husband of her granddaughter, Clodine (1880 U. S. Bureau of the Census 1880c, p. 323, household 290).
Rosalie's father is believed to be "Courto, a Savage" listed on the 1810 census (U. S. Bureau of the Census 1810, page 161, line 25). The census was recorded in English, therefore "a savage" clearly meant Courto was an "Indian." Marie Gregoire (m. Alexander Verdin) and Jeanet (m. Joseph Billiot) could not be found.
In general, census information concerning UHN families sampled by the BAR genealogists was found to be quite inconsistent and not always reliable with respect to family composition or racial identification.
This finding is not inconsistent with findings of other scholars regarding use of the census for ethnic identification purposes:
Any assumption of ethnicity on the basis of census data from a single year (or any other single document) may err. Determining the ethnic identity of any family labeled free people of color (or f.p.c.) on any record invariably requires exhaustive research in the widest-possible variety of resources (Mills 1990, 264).
B. Published Sources
1. Hebert's South Louisiana Records
In addition to research in original records in four Louisiana courthouses, Reverend Donald J. Hebert's 12-volume series entitled South Louisiana Records was utilized extensively. The series contains abstracts of births, baptisms, marriages, and deaths recorded in Catholic and non-Catholic churches of the parishes of Lafourche and Terrebonne. The series also includes abstracts of marriages, successions, and some Original Acts recorded in the courthouses at Thibodaux (Lafourche Parish) and Houma (Terrebonne Parish). A volume of South Louisiana Additions and Corrections was published in 1993 (Terrebonne Genealogical Society 1993).
2. Published Church Records
Church records for St. Louis Cathedral in New Orleans dating from the early to mid-1700's were reviewed in their published format, Sacramental Records of the Roman Catholic Church of the Archdiocese of New Orleans, and were used to verify relationships. These records in their published format reportedly do "not include information about race or legitimacy, although race can often be deduced when the country of origin, e.g., Senegal or Ireland, is listed" (Woods and Nelson 1987, 1:ix).
The Diocese of Baton Rouge was separated from the Archdiocese of New Orleans in 1961. This diocese includes the 12 civil parishes located directly north of Lafourche and Terrebonne, including the civil parishes of Ascension and Assumption. Records created prior to 1870 have been brought to the archives of the newly-created diocese and the diocese is now reported to have the "largest collection of Catholic colonial registers in Louisiana outside of St. Louis Cathedral (New Orleans)" (Catholic Church, Diocese of Baton Rouge 1978, i). Published records from this diocese were examined in the series entitled Diocese of Baton Rouge Catholic Church Records(refer to bibliography for citations to individual volumes).
3. International Genealogical Index (IGI)
A microfiche index published by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (aka LDS, an accepted acronym, or Mormons) was also relied upon where more official sources were not available. A research outline distributed by the Family History Library of the Church describes the International Genealogical Index, commonly referred to as the IGI, as
a worldwide index of about 187 million names of deceased persons. It lists birth, christening, marriage, and Latter-day Saint temple ordinance information. It does not contain records of living persons. Most of the names in the index come from vital records from the early 1500s to 1875. Other names were submitted by members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for temple ordinance work. Individuals listed in the index are not joined in family groups or pedigrees . . . [although] the index is published by The Church . . . names are not limited to Church members or their ancestors (LDS 1992, 1).
The microfiche is arranged by state and thereunder by surname. Citations to the IGI appearing in this report (e.g., LDS-IGI, LA 1173) are to the state abbreviation (LA) and the fiche card number (1173). Entries on pages reproduced on the fiche card are arranged alphabetically by surname.
VIII. ESTABLISHING ANCESTRY AS "INDIAN"
The purpose of genealogical research for acknowledgment purposes is to verify the petitioner's claims that members are of Indian descent and further that they descend from an historical tribe, or tribes which combined and functioned as a single autonomous entity. While other racial admixtures may also be present within a group, the focus of the genealogist's research is on whether the members of the group descend from Indian ancestors and, if so, from which tribe or tribes. The BAR genealogist of necessity begins with the information provided by the petitioner and sets out to verify this information using materials contained in the petition and, when necessary, expands upon the petitioner's information using standard genealogical research methodology and available records.
The petition states that many "Houma" Indian women married Frenchmen from 1800 to 1840 giving the tribe French family names such as Billiot, Dardar, Dion (Dean), Dupre, Gallet, Naquin, Parfait, Verdin, Gregoire, and Verret, which then became essentially "Indian" names (UHN 1985b, 35). Other researchers have also commented on social distinctions attributed to certain names which are commonly found within the petitioner's membership.
Swanton identified three families "known by the French names 'Couteaux,' 'Billiout,' and 'Verdine,'" who were, he said, all that was left after other Houma families "went back north" in the late 1700's [ca. 1786]. He further stated that the remaining "Houma" of Terrebonne and Lafourche descended from these three "families or possibly bands" (Swanton 1911, 292).
Speck said that, "family patronyms indicate that the collective Houma band stems from a limited group of progenitors" - Billiot, Verdin, Diane (or Dean), Parfait, Gregoire, and Verret (Speck 1943, 212-213). Writing more recently, Stanton concurs: "Surnames are often indicators of an Indian background. Some of the more common names which are either exclusively Indian or tend to be Indian are: Billiot, Deon (Dion), Gregoire, Naquin, Parfait, and Verdin" (Stanton 1971a, 86). Stanton writes that "by 1795 at least three whites, all bearing French surnames, had settled in the southern portion of Terrebonne Parish, all three married to Indians" (Stanton 1979, 97). BAR could not verify the settlement date or determine which three whites Stanton was referring to in this passage.
All of the above surnames are present in the membership today. Some names like Billiot (2,314 members) and Verdin (1,029) are more common, followed then by Dardar (752), Naquin (631), Parfait (556), Verret (460), Creppell (279), Fitch (267), Dion (247), Chaisson (192), Foret (186), Solet (171), and Gregoire (162). Forty-one percent of the current UHN membership use one of the above surnames.
BAR genealogical research initially focused on verifying the Indian ancestry of the "three original families of Houma" identified by Swanton--Couteaux [sic], Billiout [sic], and Verdine [sic] (Courteau, Billiot, and Verdin) (Swanton 1911, 292). Research was then expanded to include other families, such as Dardar, Naquin, Solet, Verret, Dion, Creppell, Gallet, Foret, and Fitch, which petition materials had also identified as ancestors of the UHN. The starting point for BAR's work was always the petitioner's blue charts and supporting genealogical charts.
Three of the progenitors of the UHN could be identified as "Indian" with reasonable accuracy in official (Federal, state, and local) records: Houma Courteau, a Biloxi Indian (and his children, including his daughter Rosalie Courteau, wife of Jacques Billiot), and Indian women whose tribal affiliation is not known: Marie Gregoire ("femme sauvage"), wife of Alexander Verdin; and Jeanet ("an Indian woman"), wife of Joseph Billiot (brother of Rosalie's husband Jacques). It is from these three "Indian progenitors," who were married to non-Indians(11) and appear to have founded three independent family lines, that most UHN members descend. Virtually nothing is known about the ancestors of these early families. Appendix A is a diagram which shows how these three "Indian progenitors" relate to one another.
The following sections will discuss the evidence to identify these UHN progenitors as "Indian." A discussion of what is known about the specific tribal affiliation of these "Indian progenitors" will be found in section X entitled, "Establishing Tribal Heritage/Which Tribe?"
A. UHN's "Indian Progenitors"
The UHN often discuss their ancestors in terms of their relationship to Rosalie Courteau, an important historical leader. This section of the report will begin with Rosalie Courteau and her relations before proceeding to Marie Gregoire and Jeanet. Other UHN progenitors whom the petitioner did not claim to be Indian, or for whom Indian ancestry could not be established, are handled under the subheading "Other UHN Ancestors."
1. Rosalie Houma Courteau
Documentation of Rosalie's ancestry as Indian is based primarily on the Indian ancestry of her father, Houma Courteau/Abbe/Iacalobe, who is clearly identified as "Indian" in official records (see section VIII.A.1.a). Rosalie also appears as "Indian" in the 1860 and 1880 Federal population censuses (U. S. Bureau of the Census 1860c, p.66, household 475; U. S. Bureau of the Census 1880c, p. 323, household 290). "Indian" ancestry for Rosalie's mother has not been documented, although BAR genealogists believe it is likely (see VIII.A.1.b).
Information concerning Rosalie Courteau's date and place of birth is somewhat conflicting. The petitioner's blue charts place her date of birth as simply 1787 (UHN BC1). An abstract of Rosalie's baptism which appears in Hebert's South Louisiana Records (Hebert 1978a, 161) indicates that Rosalie was baptized on January 27, 1867, at the age of 80; this agrees with the petitioner's information. The International Genealogical Index (IGI) lists her date of birth as June 24, 1787, in Houma, Terrebonne Parish (LDS-IGI, LA 1173). The IGI entry shows the information to have been submitted by an LDS church member, but does not indicate the source of the member's information. Oral history reports her place of birth as Biloxi, Mississippi (Billiot, Charles and Emay 1978; Billiot, Charles 1979).
Conflicting information regarding Rosalie's date of birth appears in several places. In her application for a widow's pension based on her husband's (Jacques Billiot) service in the War of 1812 (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a),(12) Rosalie gives her age as 83 (i.e., born about 1795). In the 1880 Federal population census of Terrebonne Parish, "Rosalie Billot" is enumerated as "Indian;" her age is recorded as 102 years (i.e., born about 1778) (U.S. Census 1880c, 6th Ward, p. 323, household 290). Published Montegut Church records give her age at death in 1883 as 130 years, placing her year of birth at about 1753 (Hebert 1981c, 242). The original of the Montegut Church record was not available for review.
Rosalie's oldest child (Alexander) was born in 1813 (LDS-IGI, LA 463); her youngest child, Jacques Constant, was born in 1835 (Hebert 1978a, 68). When this 22-year span is used in conjunction with the 1787 birth date, we find her marrying at age 21 and bearing children from age 26 to 48. Using the 1795 date of birth calculated from Rosalie's pension application places her marriage at age 13. Her children would have been born when she was between 18 and 40 years of age. The 1787 birth date seems more likely than the 1795 or 1753 dates, given Rosalie's 1808 marriage date, since it would place her marrying at age 21, rather than 13 (1795) or 55 (1753).
The 1778 birth date calculated from the 1880 census seems quite unlikely since it would mean that she gave birth to her last child, Jacques, when she was 57 years old. The 1753 birth date calculated from the age at death reported in Hebert's work (Hebert 1981c, 242) is undoubtedly in error. Using this date (1753) would place Rosalie marrying at age 55 in 1808 and bearing children when she is between the ages of 60 and 82--well beyond the years when a woman is physically able to bear children. The normal child bearing years for a woman in this area and time period were probably between 18 and 45 years--the maximum possible range is considered to be between 12 and 50 years.
From Rosalie's pension application we learn that she married Jacques Billiot on April 15, 1808, at Bayou Terrebonne (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a). She describes herself as a "maid" [unmarried] at the time; Jacques was the widower of Charlotte Louis. This is the first and only indication of a prior marriage for Jacques. The petitioner's blue charts (UHN BC2; UHN BC3) make no reference to Jacques' marriage to anyone other than Rosalie Courteau. Rosalie's marriage date is confirmed in the IGI, but as was the case with the information regarding her date of birth, this information was also submitted by an LDS church member and the source of the information is not reported in the published IGI entry (LDS-IGI, LA 1173). Hebert, when reporting her death in 1883, notes that she was married to Jacques Billiot, but gives no date for the marriage (Hebert 1981c, 242).
Sacred Heart Church records that report "Rosalie Houma" [sic] died January 24, 1883, and was buried the following day in the cemetery of St. John the Baptist, at Bayou Terrebonne (Sacred Heart Church 1964; see document under Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1992b (Certificate of Death abstracted April 17, 1964, from Sacred Heart Church records). However, other field data and oral history provide conflicting information, suggesting her burial may have been in Dugas Cemetery just below Montegut (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1991b; Courteau, Jimmy and Albertine 1978). Oral history states that Rosalie was buried in a brick cave at the back of the Dugas Cemetery. Emile Billiot (Rosalie's nephew) is said to have taken the marker and buried it (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1991b; Dion 1981). A stone marker was placed at the front of the Dugas Cemetery in recent years (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1991b). The inscription reads:
| Rosalie Courteau (Houmas)
June 4, 1787 Jan. 24, 1883 Wife of Jacques Billiot |
In the 1968 intestate succession(13) of "Rosalie Houma Courteau, widow of/and Jacques Billiot"--entered some 85 years after her death--her date of death is reported as having occurred one day later (January 25, 1883) (Terrebonne Parish 1968).
In summary, although Rosalie's reported date of birth ranges from as early as 1753 to as late as 1795 (both dates calculated), BAR believes the 1787 date to be most likely. Information concerning Rosalie's marriage to Jacques Billiot in 1808, and her death in 1883, is generally consistent.
a. Rosalie's Father, Houma Courteau/Abbe/Iacalobe. Rosalie's father appears in official records under several different names, but most consistently as "Courteau." These names, when viewed collectively, clearly identify "Courteau" as Indian and as Rosalie's father.
Identification of Courteau as an Indian is found in two deeds from the 1820's. In the earliest of these deeds a "Touh/Tough-la-bay alias Courteau of the Beloxy Nation" purchases land from a Jean Billiot (Terrebonne Parish 1822e). Several years later, identified now as "Loup La Bay called Courteau Indian of the Beloxy Nation," he conveys the same land to Alexander Verdin [husband of Marie Gregoire] (Terrebonne Parish 1829g). Both names, Touh/Tough-la-bay and Loup La Bay, are obviously Indian and are undoubtedly one-and-the-same person. Neither deed makes any reference to Rosalie.
Direct identification of Rosalie as the daughter of "Loup/Toup la [B]ay alias Courteau" comes from Rosalie herself and is found in a land transfer from Rosalie to Clement Carlos (Terrebonne Parish 1856).
Further evidence that Courteau is the father of Rosalie and the husband of Rosalie's mother, Marianne, is also found in official parish records. Identification of Rosalie as the daughter of Marianne is found in an 1841 transfer of land from Marianne, identified as the wife of Courtau [sic] and the sister of Louis le Sauvage, to her "daughter" Rosalie (Terrebonne Parish 1841a). Three years earlier, in 1838, "Houma dit(14) Courteau" and wife Mari Ann/Marie Anne sold land to a Louis Verret (Terrebonne Parish 1838). In the 1838 document, the grantor's name is written as "Houma Courteau" in the text of the document and is reversed to read "Courteau + Houma" in the signature block. (The "+" in the signature block indicates the individual signed the document with his mark rather than a written signature.) Use of both names (Houma Courteau and Courteau Houma) within the document has been interpreted to mean that the names were used interchangeably.
Additional evidence of family relationships can also be gathered from the records concerning the probate of the estate of Francois Iacalobe (Terrebonne Parish 1844), which identifies Iacalobe as the deceased husband of Marianne and the father of four children:
Francois Courteau/Abe/Iacalobe (deceased);
(Marie Mingoloi is identified as Francois' widow; their children are Julien and Josephine Iacalobe)
Rosalie Iacalobe/Benbe(?);
Antoine Iacalobe;
Marguerit Iacalobe
(Marguerit is identified as the mother of Filarum/Philarum).
These relationships are consistent with other materials, both provided by the petitioner and gathered by BAR researchers.
The following list attempts to display visually the information concerning Courteau which was collected from the official documents discussed above:
1822 Touh/Tough-la-bay alias Courteau of the Beloxy Nation
1829 Loup La Bay called Courteau Indian of the Beloxy Nation
1838 Houma dit Courteau and Courteau Houma [as husband of Marianne Courtau]
1841 Marianne Courtau [as wife of Courtau and mother of Rosalie]
1844 Iacalobe [as husband of Marianne and father of four Iacalobe children: Francois Courteau/Abe, Rosalie Benby(?); Antoine, and Marguerit Iacalobe]
1856* Loup/Toup la [B]ay alias Courteau [father of Rosalie]
* Rosalie identifies herself as daughter of Loup/Toup la [B]ay alias Courteau
Based on the foregoing, there seems little question but that Courteau (aka Houma, Loup la Bay, Toup/Touh/Tough-la-bay/Iacalobe) was Rosalie's father and was an Indian.
In addition to the names mentioned in the paragraph above, some writers have identified Rosalie's father, variably, as Joseph Abbe, Shulushumon, and Louis de la Hussaye alias le Sauvage ("the Indian"). Anthropologist John R. Swanton identified Rosalie's father as "Joseph Abbe, a Biloxi medal chief (also called Shulushumon)" (Swanton 1911, 292). This information is reported to have come from Rosalie's daughter, Felicité Billiot, who was age 78 when Swanton interviewed her in 1907. Felicité is reported to have said that "her grandfather, Shulu-shumon or, in French, Joseph Abbe, and more often called 'Courteaux' was a Biloxi medal chief (emphasis added) . . . " (Swanton 1911, 292).
Swanton's field notes, however, show this quote to have come from Bartholemy Billiot, Felicité's brother, and not Felicité herself (Swanton 1906; UHN 1985b, 44). Elsewhere in Swanton's field notes, Rosalie's father is also identified as a Chitimacha chief (Swanton n.d.c).
Other references to Rosalie's father as Joseph Abbe (aka Shulushumon) appear in works by Janel Curry (1979a, 17) and Max Stanton (1979, 97). Such references appear to rely on the field notes and writings of Swanton (Swanton 1911, 292; Swanton n.d.b) who obtained his information from Bartholemy Billiot.
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) educator Ruth Underhill stated that Rosalie was "pure Indian" and the "daughter of the Indian chief Louis de la Hussaye, alias le Sauvage" but did not give the source of her information (Underhill 1938a, 14). No evidence was found to substantiate a parent-child relationship between Rosalie and any one by the name of Louis de la Hussaye/le Sauvage. Official records do establish a sibling relationship between Rosalie's mother, Marianne, wife of Houma Courteau, and Louis Le Sauvage who died without issue (Terrebonne Parish 1841a; Terrebonne Parish 1854).
In 1943, Anthropologist Frank Speck stated:
The last chief, apparently a hereditary officer, is remembered to have been one Delahoussay (Dalahousie) Couteau (Courteau). He is an historical figure mentioned by Swanton, and pointed to by the Houma as the last social unifier whose death (about 1800) left the people minus leadership (Speck 1943, 213).
No source is cited for this information. Whether Speck believed a relationship to exist between Rosalie and this "Delahoussay Couteau" cannot be determined from his writings.
The 1810 Federal Population Census of Lafourche Interior Parish, the precursor to present-day Terrebonne Parish, enumerates one "Courto, a Savage" (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1810, page 161, line 25). Courto is listed as male, "of 45 [years] and up," with six children. The census was recorded in English leaving no question that the words "a Savage" after his name meant he was an Indian. Based on available information we can only speculate that this Courto could have been Rosalie's father. His age would fit with a birth year of 1787 for Rosalie; his name is a phonetic spelling for Courteau; he was Indian, as was Rosalie's father. The only information which casts some doubt on such a relationship is found in Speck's writings wherein he states (without citing any backup documentation) that the last hereditary chief, Delahoussay Couteau, died about 1800--10 years prior to the census (Speck 1943, 213).
The petition narrative at page 32 speculates that a "Louis de la Houssaye Courteaux, alias le Sauvage" was most likely the second Houmas chief present at the meeting between Chac-Chouma and Governor Claiborne in 1806. Volume 5, page 275 of Rowland (1917) is cited as the basis for this information (UHN Pet., Narr., p. 32). An examination of the cited page, however, shows no reference--direct or indirect--to anyone by the name of "Louis de la Houssaye Courteaux, alias le Sauvage." The petitioner should recheck the source of this information and provide the BAR with an accurate citation.
Janel Curry appears to enlarge on the statements of Swanton and Speck, identifying Rosalie's mother as the sister of "chief Louis de la Houssaye" (Curry 1979a). She goes on to claim that "leadership went matrilineally from Louis de la Houssaye [sic] to his sister's daughter" (Curry 1979b). Terrebonne Parish conveyance records (Book I, page 157) are cited as the basis for this statement. A search of the cited conveyance records shows the documents on page 157 of Book I to record two land transfers, neither of which refers to a Louis de la Houssaye or to the passage of leadership of any kind. One document records the transfer of land from Marianne, wife of Courtau [sic] and sister of "Louis le Sauvage," to her daughter, Rosalie Courteau (Terrebonne Parish 1841a); the other records Rosalie's transfer of land acquired from Louis le Sauvage to a Mister Paroy(?) (Terrebonne Parish 1841b). Nowhere in any of the official documents reviewed for this report was any evidence found to corroborate claims that Louis de la Houssaye and Louis le Sauvage were one-and-the-same individual.
The petitioner's blue charts identify Rosalie's father as Joseph Houma Courteau (UHN BC1). Published church records, probably extracted from the original church record, identify him simply as Joseph Courteau (Hebert 1978a, 161). The entry published in the IGI also describes him as Joseph Courteau; this entry may have been copied from a published source such as Hebert or may have been entered from family information provided by a church member (LDS-IGI, LA 1173).
b. Rosalie's siblings.
The petitioner's blue chart (UHN BC1) lists Rosalie, Francois, Antoine, Philomene, and Josephine (Fine) as the children of "Joseph Houma Courteaux" and "Anne Marie Pierre (aka Marie Sauvage)." Rosalie, Francois, Antoine, and Marguerite can be documented to be the children of Iacalobe (Houma Courteau/Abbe) and Marianne using the succession of Francois Iacalobe (see discussion at VIII.A.1.a). Based on this same succession, Philerom Courteau/Billiot, Josephine (Fine), and Julien Courteau are the grandchildren of Iacalobe (Houma Courteau/Abbe) and Marianne.
Philerom was born February 10, 1812, and baptized December 17, 1818 (Catholic Church. Diocese of Baton Rouge, ASM 4:238). Josephine was born about 1833 according to the 1860 census where she appears as "Fine" with her mother Marie [(Migolois) Courteau, now Billiot] (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1860e, Terrebonne Parish, p. 67, household 480 ). Julien appears as Julius, age 21, with his mother Marie [(Migolois) Courteau, now Billiot] in 1850; in 1860, he is listed as Julien Billiot, age 33, as the head of a household containing his sister Fine's children (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1860c Terrebonne Parish, p. 67, household 48).
The Federal population census schedules also show "Julien Houma," an Indian, age 38 in 1870 (born about 1832) (U. S. Bureau of the Census 1870b, page 25, household 202) and "Philerome Billiot," an Indian (male), age 66 in 1860 (born about 1794) (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1860c, p. 418, household 646).
Although a 1854 land transfer identifies Marianne Courteau as the "deceased mother" of Antoine, Julien and Fine [Josephine] Courteau, and Philerom Billiot/Courteau (Terr Par 1854), this parent/child relationship is not supported by papers in the succession of Francois Iacalobe. The succession identifies Julien, Josephine, and Philerom as grandchildren of Marianne and Antoine as a son.
Additional documentation to support the Indian ancestry of Rosalie's sister, Marguerite Courteau, appears in a series of birth and death records found in the basement of the Terrebonne Parish Courthouse and later published in Terrebonne Life Lines. A "Declaration of Death" given by "Jean Billiou" [Jean Billiot, the son of Jean Baptiste [Jean-Pierre] Billiot and Marie Enerisse] regarding the death?(15) of Marguerite Courteau, identifies her as an "idian [sic] woman." She is reported to have died on August 6, 1822. No tribal heritage was recorded for Marguerite. This declaration of death and the series of declarations of birth which follow, all given September 7, 1822 by Jean Billiot, identify five children born to him and Marguerite Courteau between 1812 and 1819(16) (Shannon 1985, 65-67). Descendants of these children who were born to Jean Billiot and Marguerite Courteau, his "Indian" wife, would be counted as "Indian" in the same manner that descendants of "Jeanet an Indian woman" and Marie Gregoire are being counted except for the fact that it has not been possible to identify them on the current UHN membership list and none of them appear in either of the samples (systematic random or non-random).
Based on the above evidence, Rosalie, Francois, Antoine, and Marguerite are believed to be the children of Houma Courteau/Abbe/Iacalobe and of "Indian" ancestry. Evidence to establish Marianne as "Indian" or as "Anne Marie Pierre" was neither provided by the petitioner nor found by BAR researchers.
c. Rosalie's mother, Marianne Courteau, and Marianne's brother, Louis Sauvage/le Sauvage.
Although numerous documents refer to Marianne, they provide little personal information about her other than that she was the wife of Houma Courteau (also written Courteau Houma); the sister of Louis le Sauvage "who died without issue;" the mother of Rosalie, the "wife of Jacques Billiot" (Terrebonne Parish 1841a; Terrebonne Parish 1838; Terrebonne Parish 1854), and as the widow of Iacalobe and mother of Rosalie, Antoine, Francois Courteau/Abe, and Marguerit Iacalobe (Terrebonne Parish 1844). Swanton's informants, who were children of Rosalie, stated that their grandmother, named "Nuyu'n", was later baptized Marion (Swanton 1911, 292; Swanton 1906, 197).
The petitioner's blue charts identify Rosalie's mother as "Anne Marie Pierre (aka Marie Sauvage)" (UHN BC1). However, only the surname "Pierre" appears in Hebert's extract of Rosalie's baptismal record (Hebert 1978a, 161). No official abstract (i.e., prepared by the church based on its own records) was provided to verify this information. Documentary evidence to substantiate the name "Marie Sauvage" as an alias could not be found. The petitioner's reference to Marie Sauvage is believed to derive from the fact that Rosalie's mother was the sister of Louis Sauvage/le Sauvage.
The only other record provided by the petitioner to substantiate "Anne Marie Pierre" as the name of Rosalie Courteau's mother was a marriage entry form used by the LDS Church to enter data into the IGI (International Genealogical Index) (Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, (MLT) 1992a; LDS-IGI, LA 1173). The marriage entry form notes the information provided came from an unspecified War of 1812 pension record. Lacking any information to the contrary, BAR researchers believe this citation refers to Rosalie Courteau Billiot's application for a widow's pension (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a). An examination of Rosalie's pension application, however, shows it to contain no information about Rosalie's parents.
Based on documents recorded in Terrebonne Parish records, Marianne's date of death can be approximated to have occurred between April 1, 1845 (Terrebonne Parish 1844) and June 30, 1854 (Terrebonne Parish 1854). Rosalie is identified as Marianne's daughter in an 1841 land transfer from Marianne to Rosalie (Terrebonne Parish 1841a). Marianne is also described as the "deceased mother" of Julien, Antoine, and Fine [Josephine] Courteau, and Phileram Billiot/Courteau in an 1854 deed.(17) No mention is made of Rosalie. The deed transfers land originally confirmed and registered to Louis Sauvage, but which had been acquired by the Courteaux as an inheritance from the death of their "deceased mother Marianne sister of Louis Sauvage [who] died without children" (Terrebonne Parish 1854). This land appears to be the same land that was confirmed to Louis Sauvage in 1813 (ASP 1834a, 388).
BAR genealogists speculate that Marianne may have been of Indian descent. However, no direct evidence was provided or found to confirm this. It seems unlikely that an Indian man would have married a non-Indian woman in the late 1700's due to the marriage patterns of that time period. In addition, Swanton's informants report that Marianne had an Indian name, "Nuyu'n," when she was baptized, which, along with her sibling relationship to Louis Sauvage/le Sauvage (whose name could be translated as Louis, "the Indian") would suggest that she may have been of Indian heritage. However, even when taken collectively, this circumstantial evidence is not sufficient to credit Marianne with Indian ancestry at this time.
Discussions found in the petition narrative (UHN Pet., Narr., p. 32) and in the report by Underhill (Underhill 1938a, 14) which link Marianne's brother, Louis Sauvage/le Sauvage, to Louis de la Houssaye/Hussaye could not be confirmed.
In addition to the Louis Sauvage/le Sauvage who is mentioned in land records previously discussed in conjunction with Rosalie and Marianne, there was also an Indian named Louis Sauvage living in Point Coupee Parish in 1806. A fair amount of research was expended by BAR researchers in an effort to establish whether or not the Louis in Point Coupee (ASP 1834a, 388), and Louis, the brother of Marianne who is noted in Terrebonne Parish land transactions (Terrebonne Parish 1841a; Terrebonne Parish 1854), were one-and-the-same man. Given the presence of other persons of the same surname in the general area who were not identified as Indian, it seems questionable that they were the same person, given the distance between the two parishes both by land and by water. Additional research in Louisiana land records could possibly establish this link.
d. Rosalie's Husband, Jacques Billiot.
Rosalie is known to have been married only once and then to Jacques Billiot, the son of Jean Billiot and Marianne Enerisse [Iris] (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a).
Jacques' date of birth is unknown. He is reported to have "died intestate [without a will] in the Parish of Terrebonne on May 16, 1867," according to a 1968 petition to appoint a provisional administrator to handle the settlement of Rosalie's and Jacques' combined estate (Terrebonne Parish 1968). The 1968 petition for an administrator states that Jacques' death was recorded in Terrebonne Parish on May 29, 1868, as entry No. 9648. The May 16, 1867, death date for Jacques conflicts with Rosalie's own testimony wherein she states that Jacques died September 28, 1858 (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a). Jacques' supposed death record,(18) noted as entry 9648, was not submitted by the petitioner or viewed by BAR researchers. Therefore no explanation for the discrepancy can be put forth. However, lacking any obvious explanation for the almost nine year difference in the two dates, it is reasonable to place more weight on the 1858 date provided by Rosalie, because she was in a position to have had firsthand knowledge and she was providing the information closer to the time the event occurred. The 1868 date reported in the 1968 petition for the appointment of a provisional administrator was entered almost 100 years later.
Rosalie's application for a widow's pension (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a) states that Jacques was a widower at the time he and Rosalie were married in 1808. His previous wife is reported to have been Charlotte Louis; no information other than Rosalie's testimony was found to corroborate this information (U.S. Veterans Administration 1878a). Hebert's twelve volumes of South Louisiana Records were searched for further information on Jacques' marriage to Charlotte, but nothing was found.
Available evidence shows Jacques Billiot to be a non-Indian (see also discussion of Jacques' parents, Jean Baptiste Billiot and Marie Enerisse under "Other UHN Ancestors," VIII.B.2).
2. Marie Gregoire
No reliable information was found or collected concerning Marie Gregoire's parents or her date of birth, nor has any record of her date of death been found (Westerman 1984, 19; Field Data, Colliflower and McMillion, 1991a). Based on "Fire Brands" (cattle brands) and deeds recorded in Terrebonne Parish, her death is estimated to have occurred after April 30, 1828, but before April 22, 1829 (Terrebonne Parish 1828; Terrebonne Parish 1829b, 1829c, 1829d, 1829e).
According to information supplied by the UHN petitioner, Marie Gregoire reportedly married Alexander Verdin on February 1, 1800 (UHN Pet., ancestry charts of Narciss Naquin, Rose Lovel, and Joseph A. Verdin; UHN resource card for Marie Gregoire). Circumstantial evidence that this union occurred appears in the 1860 application for a marriage license of their son Jean Baptiste Verdin and Arcene Gregoire (Terrebonne Parish 1860). The license identifies Jean Baptiste Verdin as the "legitimate issue of the marriage" between Marie Gregoire and Alexander Verdin; Arcene Gregoire is recorded as the "legitimate issue of the marriage" between Joseph Gregoire and Constance Jaceau. All parties in this document are identified as free people of color.
The 1829 will of Alexander Verdun identifies Marie Gregoire as a femme sauvage 'Indian woman' (Terrebonne Parish 1829f; Miller 1992; Westerman 1984). Westerman states that Marie Gregoire was a "Houmas Indian of the Biloxi nation" but cites no evidence to prove this point (Westerman 1984, 20). No information was provided by the petitioner or found by BAR researchers to identify the name of the tribe from which Marie Gregoire descended.
a. Marie Gregoire's Husband, Alexander Verdin.
The baptism of Alexander Verdun [Verdin] was recorded on November 1, 1771, in St. Louis Cathedral, New Orleans, along with the births and baptisms of three of his siblings (Cathedral St. Louis 1771, Alexander Verdun; Cathedral St. Louis 1758, Marie Verdun; Cathedral St. Louis 1767, Jean Baptiste Verdun; Cathedral St. Louis 1769, Jean Pierre Verdun). All are identified as children of the legitimate marriage of Jean Adam Verdun and Anne Dauphine who, in 1767 and 1769, were noted as residents of New Orleans (Cathedral St. Louis 1767, Jean Baptiste Verdun; Cathedral St. Louis 1769, Jean Pierre Verdun).
Oral histories state that the Verdins originally came from "overseas" (Verdin 1978), or from Germany, and that "some married Indians like Gregoire" (Dion 1981). Alexander Verdin's will identifies him as a "native of" (i.e., born in) what was then Jefferson Parish (Terrebonne Parish 1829f). Two translations prepared by parish officials from the early French Acts describe transfers of land from Billiots, identified as men of color, to Alexander Verdin, a white man (Terrebonne Parish 1822b; 1822c). The marriage record of Alexander's son, Jean Baptiste Verdin (Terrebonne Parish 1860), and the petitioner's blue charts (UHN BC24; UHN BC25) identify Alexander Verdin as a free man of color. No documentation was provided or found to identify Alexander Verdom as "Indian."
b. Marie Gregoire's Children.
The petitioner's blue charts (UHN BC25) list eight children born to the union of Alexander Verdin and Marie Gregoire--Pauline, Melanie, Ursain, Felicite Marguerite, Jean Baptiste, Victor, Eulalie, and Joseph. Only seven of these children are mentioned in Alexander's will [Joseph is not mentioned] (Terrebonne Parish 1829f). Alexander's estate is divided into seven equal shares which are left to the children of Marie Gregoire, deceased. The children are described in the will by given name only (Eulalie, Pauline, Melanie, Ursin, Felicite Marguerite, Jean Baptiste, and Victore); each of the children is identified as a free person of color, which would be appropriate for children of an Indian-white union in Louisiana at this time. Although the children's surnames were not included in the document, all children were, nonetheless, individually indexed in the conveyance book under their mother's surname, Gregoire (Terrebonne Parish 1822f). A parent-child relationship between Marie and five of her seven children (Melanie, Felicite Marguerite, Victore, Jean Baptiste, and Ursin) can also be verified using land records (Terrebonne Parish 1829a, 1829b, 1829c, 1829d, 1829e).
Westerman speculates that "the marriage of Alexandre Verdun and Marie Gregoire will probably never be found" and that the reason Alexandre wrote his will the way he did,
not calling the heirs his children (but most of them are proven children from church records), was the fact there was a law that offspring of mixed races could not legally inherit property. Their parents' marriage was probably according to Indian customs, both parties appear to have been faithful to the marriage commitment, but it was not recognized bywhite [sic] law (Westerman 1984, 20).
"Interracial marriages were prohibited in Louisiana between 1807 and 1972," except for the period from 1870 to 1894, when laws prohibiting miscegenation (marriage or cohabitation between different races) were temporarily repealed (Dominguez 1968, 57). From 1810 to 1920, Louisiana legally classed Indians as "people of color." This stemmed from a ruling by the Louisiana Supreme Court in 1810 which defined "people of color" to include persons who "may be descended from Indians on both sides, from a white parent, or Mulatto parents in possession of their freedom" (Louisiana District Court 1810, Adele v. Beauregard, 1 Mart.; Dominguez 1968, 34; Stahl 1934, 303; Mills 1978, 14). It was not until 1920 that Indians were legally identified as "non-colored" by the state of Louisiana (Dominguez 1968, 34).
An examination of the relationship between Alexander Verdin and Marie Gregoire within the framework of the above laws helps to bring their relationship into perspective. Based on available records, a long-term relationship appears to have existed between Alexander Verdin, a white man, and Marie Gregoire, an Indian (who by Louisiana law was then classified as a person of color, or "POC").(19) Children born to that relationship were identified as persons of color by virtue of their mother being a "POC." Because marriage between different races was prohibited, Alexander and Marie's marriage was not legal under Louisiana law after 1807. Thus, the children born to their relationship were considered illegitimate.
Although laws against miscegenation were repealed for the 24-year period from 1870-1894, this was not within the lifetimes of Alexander and Marie. Alexander did not survive long enough to "legitimate" his children born to Marie in the eyes of Louisiana law. Consequently, donations of land made by Alexander in 1829 to his "illegitimate" children of color by Marie Gregoire were later successfully challenged by other Verdin heirs in Robinett, et al. v. Verdun's Vendees(Louisiana Supreme Court 1840, 914 La. 542; Terrebonne Parish 1829a, 1829b, 1829c, 1829d, 1829e). At that time, Louisiana law was especially stringent on inheritance issues dealing with the illegitimate issue of color of a white man. The court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs, giving the following reasons:
Children of color (from a white person) are not allowed to prove their paternal descent when they have not been legally acknowledged; but this may be shown by proof against them, by the adverse party, in order to annul a sale made to them as a disguised and simulated donation to incapable persons (Louisiana Supreme Court 1840, 914 La. 542).
So, children of color (from a white person) unacknowledged, cannot inherit or receive by donation inter vivos or mortis causa(20), even one fourth of the ancestor's estate; and, if by disguised sale or donation, an attempt is made to give them a greater amount of property than can be legally disposed of, it is not reducible to the disposable portion, but absolutely null (Louisiana Supreme Court 1840, 914 La. 542).
Louisiana law regarding "persons of color," interracial marriages and inheritance is verycomplex. Much has been written on the subject.(21) One author summarizes the problem by stating, "More about the people of color in Louisiana might be written. It is a theme too large to be treated save by a master hand" (Stahl 1934, 376).
"Indian" ancestry has been established for Marie Gregoire based on her identification as a femme sauvage 'Indian woman' in the will of Alexander Verdin (Terrebonne Parish 1829f). The tribe of Marie's Indian heritage is as yet unknown. Because Indian ancestry has not been documented for Alexander Verdin, the seven children who descend from that union (i.e., all but Joseph) establish their Indian heritage from their mother, Marie, and not from Alexander.
c. Joseph Gregoire, Marie's Brother?
The ancestor card of Joseph Gregoire at the UHN headquarters and three of the petitioner's ancestry charts (Joseph A. Verdin, Arcene Gregoire, Jackson Gregoire) suggest a possible sibling relationship between Marie Gregoire (wife of Alexander Verdin, mother of Jean Baptiste Verdin) and Joseph Gregoire, aka Jean-Baptiste Gregoire,(22) (father of Arcene Gregoire). Such a relationship could not be confirmed.
Circumstantial evidence to suggest a possible sibling relationship between Marie and Joseph/Jean-Baptiste can be found in the marriage license of Jean Baptiste Verdin and Arcene Gregoire, in which Marie Gregoire and Joseph Gregoire each appear as a parent and possibly contemporaries (Terrebonne Parish 1860). A series of cattle brands (called "fire brands") recorded in Terrebonne Parish offer additional information to suggest a sibling relationship (Terrebonne Parish 1828). Table 8 abstracts fire brand records to show the placement of Alexander and Marie and six of their known children (all identified as children of Marie) in a block, followed immediately by Joseph Gregoire with no stated relationship. Joseph is followed by Pierre Chaisson, who frequently served as a witness for Alexander Verdin. The fact that the fire brands were recorded consecutively on the same day suggests that the registrants may have traveled to the courthouse together. The placement of Joseph with respect to the family of Alexandre and Marie and the fact that he and Marie have the same surname suggests a possible relationship, although none is specified (Terrebonne Parish 1828; Hebert 1978b, 16-17).
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FIRE BRANDS RECORDED 4-30-1828, TERREBONNE PARISH |
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| Alexandre Verdun [sic]
Marguerite Marie Gregoire Melanie Ursin Eulalie Jeanbaptiste [sic] Victore Joseph Gregoire Pierre Chiasson |
D/V
VN MG MV HV EV B VV J PC |
63
64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 |
"dau of Marie Gregoire"
"dau of Marie Gregoire" "son of Marie Gregoire" "dau of Marie Gregoire" "son of Marie Gregoire" "son of Marie Gregoire" [relationship not stated] |
The names of several other "Gregoires" appear in UHN genealogy and in early Louisiana records. Familial relationships between Marie Gregoire (the wife of Alexander Verdin) and these other Gregoires could not be documented. None of the other Gregoires noted were identified as Indian by outsiders.
3. Jeanet, an Indian woman
Evidence to establish the Indian ancestry of Jeanet comes from the January 12, 1811, record of her marriage to a "Joseph Billaux" [Billiot], which identifies her simply as "Jeanet, an Indian woman" (Lafourche Parish 1811; Hebert 1978a, 68). The record provides no information as to Jeanet's surname or tribal heritage.
UHN materials identify "Jeanet" as "Janet Houma", wife of Joseph Billiot, with a daughter named Modeste, born July 2, 1812 (UHN BC18a). Evidence was not provided by the petitioner, nor was evidence found by BAR, establishing her surname. Nor was her tribal affiliation established.
Modeste Billiot's December 1818 christening record at Assumption Church in Plattenville, Louisiana, identifies her parents as "Joseph Billiau" and "Jeanne" (no surname) (Catholic Church. Diocese of Baton Rouge 1982, 100; Hebert 1978a, 68; LDS-IGI, LA 461).
That "Jeanet, an Indian woman" from the Lafourche Parish marriage record, "Jeanne" from the Plattenville church christening records, and "Janet" from the petitioner's blue charts are one-and-the-same person is highly likely. No conflicting evidence was provided by UHN or found by BAR researchers.
One of the petitioner's ancestry charts also identifies a "Joseph Biliau," married the same day (January 12, 1811) to a "Jeanette Courteau" (UHN Pet., Ancestry chart of